The year tilts in the days and weeks that follow the summer solstice. I’ve noticed already how the season of growing and blossoming has tipped towards one of harvest. In the past week, I have filled my freezer with gooseberries and beans, and my hung drying herbs in my kitchen – rosemary, thyme and sage to flavour cooking, comfrey for making salves and mint for tea through the winter. On the common, tiny red berries are forming on the hawthorn bushes and soon there will be blackberries, rosehips, elderberries and sloes. If rain falls while the soil is still warm from the summer, the broad brown heads of parasol fungi will appear and, in the autumn, there will be gaggles of teenagers, hunting in the grass for magic mushrooms.
In her book on the social impacts of the enclosure of common land[i], JM Neeson writes of how women were often at the forefront of resistance to the landowners’ fences and ditches. In the period she writes about, 1700 to 1820, much of the dissent was by refusals to sign papers, pretending to be out when the surveyors arrived, and a range of similar foot-dragging obstructiveness. My favourite story in the book is that of an old woman who said she would sign away her rights when the oak trees she had planted reached maturity. The role of women in these quiet and stubborn acts of rebellion make sense. The use of the commons extended far beyond grazing and firewood and hay, further even than the cheeses that could be sold in local markets and geese fattened for selling for Christmas tide feasts. Women and children knew where bedstraws could be picked for stuffing into mattresses, or fleabane gathered for drying into a powder used to keep away biting parasites. On the commons there was yarrow and selfheal for wounds, gorse flowers for wine and the first flush of nettles for a welcome green food after winter.
Neeson’s research focuses on a few parishes in Northamptonshire, not far from where the poet John Clare grew up, and was gleaned from parish records and transcripts of court hearings. My instinct is that the same stories were playing out in other places all across Britain, although, as Neeson’s work shows, unearthing the histories of the rural working class is painstaking and slow. To the enclosers, the financial independence of the commoners was viewed as both insolent and objectionable. Tales were told of labourers turning down work when the wages offered were too low, confident that they could live on the resources of their commons alone and ill-inclined towards doing the lord of the manor’s work for so little return. The Board of Agriculture, founded to promote agricultural innovation in Georgian England, hoped that enclosure would annihilate that ‘nest and conservatory of idleness and misery, which is uniformly to be witnessed in the vicinity of all commons’.
Only three percent of England and Wales is now common land, but the spirit of independence lives on among the commoners that are left. I’ve felt it myself when someone objected to me keeping my pony on my common – I answered every phone call and email with a shrug. Let them complain, I said, my rights are my rights. In Britain’s uplands I’ve heard commoners wearied by park runs that upset their cattle, by people who drive too fast along unfenced roads where animals roam, and by the endless ways that their way of life struggles to fit into the constraints of modern agriculture. Disease testing, restrictions on the movements of livestock and stipulations on grazing levels or seasons can be hard to deliver when your animals free range across hundreds of acres of moorland or fell.
Earlier this year, the commoners of the New Forest, on England’s south coast, were recognised as a national minority by the Council of Europe. The status puts them on a par with the Cornish, the Ulster Scots or the Welsh. The recognition followed a campaign by the commoners, who wanted greater safeguards on commoning culture and better representation in land use decisions like forestry and development. I followed the story with interest – in 1996, I spent six months working as a ranger in the New Forest, mostly leading walks to show tourists bats and plants and nightjars, but sometimes cycling all day on bumpy tracks to check on the condition of cycle routes. One morning I observed the Verderers Court, which has dealt with offences against the Forest for nearly eight hundred years. I sat on a wooden pew at the back of a dark and timber-framed hall as the officials, known as Verderers and Agisters, gathered. Long ago these officers of the Court would have spoken about threats to the oak trees planted for ship-building and damage to fences around the plantations. Today the concerns are a mix of the old and the modern – the condition of grazing stock, the breaching of byelaws, who was grazing what animals where, illegal enclosures, dog attacks on cattle, ponies or sheep, collisions between free-roaming animals and cars, and the need for road signs. Common land, I realised that day, is much more than history, and the conflicts surrounding it rumble on.
The continued recognition of commoning as a way of life and the inclusion of commoners in decision-making are things that I can celebrate. Yet, the political divisions of the times we are living make me wary of discussions around identity; it feels too easy to let our allegiances become weapons and to be used to exclude or attack those who are not like ourselves. Identity is a slippery object, hard to hold and to truly define – I’ve known the common where I live all my life, but it was a place of refuge for my Polish grandparents, the place where they settled after World War 2, when the westward expansion of the Soviet Union meant that they could not return home. When I walk periphery of my common in the long evenings of mid-summer, I often think of how, like most of us living in Britain, I am part of this place, but with a heritage that stems from somewhere else. Usually, on my rambles, there are bats overhead, their quick movements no more than a flicker on the edge of my vision, sometimes an owl calls in a nearby wood and white moths rise from the long grass. Every common in Britain has its stories, both human and wild, and listening to them teaches about both the present and the past.

Parasol mushrooms on a Norfolk common
[i] Commoners: common right, enclosure and social change in England 1700-1820, Neeson, JM, Cambridge 1993








